The article's genuinely novel move is to shift the AI-scraping contest from the copyright battlefield to the labor battlefield. It argues that framing AI training as 'theft' turns the remedy into a license, and a license is a property contract that media companies can acquire, resell, and force workers to surrender. Workers can win, on this account, only by asserting pre-existing employee rights to co-determination over new workplace tools, as the Writers Guild did. This is primarily a claim about strategic framing, not an empirical discovery.1

Context

The piece is embedded in a broader critique of 'property talk'. It first argues that privacy and human rights are non-market goods and therefore should not be priced; it then extends this logic to scraping, asserting that copying a corpus is not a rival taking because making copies does not remove anything from the original owner. The immediate occasion is the relocation of Ethan Zuckerman's research lab from UMass to McGill with Canadian federal funding, presented as evidence that the Trump administration is pressuring US researchers who study platform power.1

Assessment

The central inference—that a property framing necessarily hands employers the rights to creative workers' output—is asserted through a fifty-year history of copyright expansion but is not documented with specific contract or case evidence. The WGA example is the text's strongest counterweight: it shows that sectoral bargaining can constrain AI use, but it does not prove that copyright framing always fails. The 'blast radius' argument about search engines is the sharpest analytic point: if all unlicensed copying were theft, indexing every site would require a global licensing apparatus that only Google could finance.1

Caveats

What would change my mind: if copyright doctrine or settled precedent established that transient copies used in statistical analysis count as infringement, the source's 'not settled law' premise would be falsified. Similarly, if media-company standard contracts already assign AI training rights to employers, the property frame would already have been lost; that would undermine the essay's claim about the future, though not its case for labor co-determination as the alternative. The practical defense of unpermissioned research would also need to be weakened if documented cases showed it producing the human-rights harms the author concedes are possible.1